{"id":4121,"date":"2024-11-29T14:59:19","date_gmt":"2024-11-29T14:59:19","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/alcideproject.eu\/what-is-the-relationship-between-the-edc-and-nato\/"},"modified":"2025-03-24T16:39:30","modified_gmt":"2025-03-24T16:39:30","slug":"what-is-the-relationship-between-the-edc-and-nato","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/alcideproject.eu\/fr\/what-is-the-relationship-between-the-edc-and-nato\/","title":{"rendered":"Quelle est la relation entre la CED et l\u2019OTAN ?"},"content":{"rendered":"

Federica Fazio<\/strong> (Doctorante \u00e0 Dublin City University)<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n

Si l’Italie et la France signaient et ratifiaient aujourd\u2019hui le <\/span>trait\u00e9 instituant la Communaut\u00e9 europ\u00e9enne de d\u00e9fense (CED)<\/span><\/a> de 1952, la CED ne conduirait pas \u00e0 un d\u00e9couplage d\u2019avec les \u00c9tats-Unis et l\u2019Organisation du Trait\u00e9 de l\u2019Atlantique Nord (OTAN). Au contraire, elle favoriserait une compl\u00e9mentarit\u00e9 accrue entre les deux organisations et contribuerait \u00e0 faire progresser l’int\u00e9gration de la d\u00e9fense europ\u00e9enne. La CED permettrait aux Europ\u00e9ens d\u2019assumer une plus grande responsabilit\u00e9 pour leur propre d\u00e9fense et de renforcer la clause de d\u00e9fense collective de l\u2019OTAN, conform\u00e9ment \u00e0 la poursuite de l\u2019autonomie coop\u00e9rative avec l\u2019Alliance.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Comme le stipule l\u2019article 5 du trait\u00e9 de la CED, cette communaut\u00e9 supranationale \u00ab coop\u00e8re \u00e9troitement avec l\u2019Organisation du Trait\u00e9 de l\u2019Atlantique Nord \u00bb. Conform\u00e9ment \u00e0 l\u2019art. 18, le Commandant supr\u00eame des Forces alli\u00e9s en Europe (SACEUR) serait habilit\u00e9 \u00e0 s\u2019assurer que les Forces europ\u00e9ennes de d\u00e9fense sont organis\u00e9es, \u00e9quip\u00e9es, instruites et pr\u00e9par\u00e9es \u00e0 l\u2019emploi de fa\u00e7on satisfaisante. Si cela est confirm\u00e9, ces forces seraient \u00e0 la disposition du SACEUR (sauf en cas de d\u00e9fense int\u00e9rieure\u00a0(Art. 18.3)), ce qui lui permettrait de soumettre les exigences de d\u00e9ploiement \u00e0 la CED (Art. 18.1).\u00a0En temps de guerre, le SACEUR aurait le plein commandement des Forces europ\u00e9ennes de d\u00e9fense (Art. 18.2). Le g\u00e9n\u00e9ral Christopher Cavoli, actuel SACEUR et commandant en chef du Commandement europ\u00e9en des \u00c9tats-Unis, <\/span>a not\u00e9 lors du forum public de l\u2019OTAN en juillet<\/span><\/a> que le concept de dissuasion et de d\u00e9fense de la zone euro-atlantique (DDA) et la nouvelle famille de plans pour les op\u00e9rations de dissuasion et de d\u00e9fense \u00e0 grande \u00e9chelle ont modifi\u00e9 la mani\u00e8re dont les autorit\u00e9s sont accord\u00e9es au SACEUR en temps de paix. Par exemple, il a d\u00e9sormais l\u2019autorit\u00e9, dans la perspective d\u2019un conflit, de d\u00e9ployer des forces pour le dissuader et garantir l’\u00e9tat de pr\u00e9paration si l\u2019article <\/span>5 du Trait\u00e9 de l\u2019Atlantique Nord (NAT) <\/span><\/a>est invoqu\u00e9. Ces plans fixent \u00e9galement des exigences sp\u00e9cifiques en mati\u00e8re de structure des forces. Pour r\u00e9pondre \u00e0 ces besoins, le commandant supr\u00eame adjoint des forces alli\u00e9es en Europe (DSACEUR) a demand\u00e9 aux Alli\u00e9s de pr\u00e9ciser les moyens militaires qu\u2019ils pourraient mettre \u00e0 la disposition de l\u2019OTAN en cas de guerre totale sans les r\u00e9server \u00e0 l\u2019usage national. Bien que plusieurs alli\u00e9s se soient engag\u00e9s \u00e0 fournir l\u2019int\u00e9gralit\u00e9 de leurs structures de force, des lacunes subsistent en mati\u00e8re de capacit\u00e9s et de logistique. Les Forces europ\u00e9ennes de d\u00e9fense pourraient jouer un r\u00f4le essentiel dans le financement des plans et le comblement de ces lacunes.<\/span><\/p>\n

En outre, \u00e0 l\u2019instar du Trait\u00e9 de l\u2019Atlantique Nord, le trait\u00e9 de la CED comporte \u00e9galement une clause de d\u00e9fense mutuelle. L\u2019article 2.3 du trait\u00e9 de la CED stipule : <\/span>\u00ab Toute agression arm\u00e9e dirig\u00e9e contre l\u2019un quelconque des \u00c9tats membres en Europe ou contre les Forces europ\u00e9ennes de d\u00e9fense sera consid\u00e9r\u00e9e comme une attaque dirig\u00e9e contre tous les \u00c9tats membres. Les \u00c9tats membres et les Forces europ\u00e9ennes de d\u00e9fense porteront \u00e0 l\u2019\u00c9tat ou aux forces ainsi attaqu\u00e9s aide et assistance par tous les moyens en leur pouvoir, militaires et autres. \u00bb<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n

Cet article semble contenir des \u00e9l\u00e9ments de l\u2019art. 5 du Trait\u00e9 de l\u2019Atlantique Nord, mais les obligations qu\u2019il pr\u00e9voit sont quelque peu plus strictes. \u00c0 l\u2019instar de l\u2019art. 5 du Trait\u00e9 de l\u2019Atlantique Nord, la clause stipule que \u00ab [t]oute agression arm\u00e9e dirig\u00e9e contre l\u2019un quelconque des \u00c9tats membres en Europe […] sera consid\u00e9r\u00e9e comme une attaque contre tous les \u00c9tats membres \u00bb. La norme parle toutefois d\u2019 \u00ab agression arm\u00e9e \u00bb et non d\u2019 \u00ab attaque arm\u00e9e \u00bb. Par cons\u00e9quent, la port\u00e9e des actions susceptibles de d\u00e9clencher la clause de d\u00e9fense mutuelle du trait\u00e9 de la CED pourrait, du moins en th\u00e9orie, \u00eatre plus large que celles qui activeraient l\u2019art. 5 du Trait\u00e9 de l\u2019Atlantique Nord. De plus, alors que l\u2019art. 5 du Trait\u00e9 de l\u2019Atlantique Nord \u00ab <\/span>envisages a binding obligation of result, to be achieved through different means, including but not limited to military action<\/span><\/a> \u00bb (\u00ab pr\u00e9voit une obligation de r\u00e9sultat contraignante, \u00e0 atteindre par diff\u00e9rents moyens, y compris, mais sans s\u2019y limiter \u00e0 l\u2019action militaire<\/span> \u00bb), l\u2019art. 2.3 du trait\u00e9 de la CED englobe express\u00e9ment \u00e0 la fois les moyens militaires et non militaires d\u2019assistance, engageant ses membres \u00e0 une obligation de moyens plut\u00f4t qu\u2019\u00e0 une obligation de r\u00e9sultat.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

En outre, la formulation \u00ab <\/span>en Europe ou contre les Forces europ\u00e9ennes de d\u00e9fense <\/span><\/i>\u00bb semble impliquer que les parties au trait\u00e9 de la CED seraient tenues \u00e0 la d\u00e9fense collective, m\u00eame en cas d\u2019attaques visant leurs forces arm\u00e9es stationn\u00e9es en dehors des territoires europ\u00e9ens des \u00c9tats membres. Plus pr\u00e9cis\u00e9ment, l\u2019art. 120.2 du trait\u00e9 de la CED stipule que les Forces europ\u00e9ennes de d\u00e9fense pourraient \u00eatre d\u00e9ploy\u00e9es sur des territoires inclus dans la <\/span>r\u00e9gion d\u00e9finie par l\u2019art. 6 du Trait\u00e9 de l\u2019Atlantique Nord<\/span><\/i> (120.2 a), ainsi que dans des \u00e9coles, des centres de formation et d\u2019autres \u00e9tablissements de la CED dans cette r\u00e9gion et en Afrique au nord du tropique du cancer (120.2b). Cette d\u00e9cision serait prise par le Conseil de la CED, apr\u00e8s consultation du Conseil de l\u2019Atlantique Nord (CAN) et avec l\u2019accord du SACEUR. En outre, les articles 1 et 2 du protocole concernant les garanties d\u2019assistance des \u00c9tats membres de la Communaut\u00e9 aux \u00c9tats parties au Trait\u00e9 de l\u2019Atlantique Nord (Protocole au trait\u00e9 de l\u2019Atlantique Nord sur l\u2019accession de la Gr\u00e8ce et de la Turquie) pr\u00e9voient des garanties de s\u00e9curit\u00e9 r\u00e9ciproques entre ces deux alliances de d\u00e9fense. On peut donc raisonnablement en d\u00e9duire que la port\u00e9e g\u00e9ographique de la clause de d\u00e9fense mutuelle du trait\u00e9 de la CED ne se limiterait pas \u00e0 l\u2019Europe, mais pourrait \u00e9galement s\u2019\u00e9tendre \u00e0 la zone de l\u2019OTAN, ce qui renforcerait l\u2019OTAN et de sa garantie de s\u00e9curit\u00e9.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Une r\u00e9activation du trait\u00e9 de la CED pourrait \u00e9galement \u00eatre b\u00e9n\u00e9fique pour les relations avec le Royaume-Uni. L\u2019art. 1 d\u2019un trait\u00e9 distinct conclu entre la CED et le Royaume-Uni, qui ne souhaitait pas faire partie de la CED \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9poque, stipule que \u00ab [s]i \u00e0 un moment quelconque, alors que le Royaume-Uni est partie au trait\u00e9 de l’Atlantique nord, toute autre partie au pr\u00e9sent trait\u00e9 qui se trouvera \u00e0 ce moment membre de la Communaut\u00e9 europ\u00e9enne de d\u00e9fense, ou les Forces europ\u00e9ennes de d\u00e9fense, \u00e9taient l’objet d’une agression arm\u00e9e en Europe, le Royaume-Uni, en conformit\u00e9 de l’article 51 de la Charte des Nations unies, portera \u00e0 cette partie ou aux Forces de d\u00e9fense ainsi attaqu\u00e9es, aide et assistance par tous les moyens en son pouvoir, militaires et autres. \u00bb L\u2019importance de cet article ne doit pas \u00eatre sous-estim\u00e9e dans l\u2019\u00e8re post-Brexit.<\/span><\/p>\n

Comme l\u2019a r\u00e9cemment soulign\u00e9 <\/span>Sloan<\/span><\/a>, en 1954, \u00ab [t]he EDC failure virtually guaranteed that the United States would remain the dominant force leading Western defence against the Soviet Union \u00bb (\u00ab l\u2019\u00e9chec de la CED a pratiquement garanti que les \u00c9tats-Unis demeureraient la force dominante \u00e0 la t\u00eate de la d\u00e9fense occidentale contre l\u2019Union sovi\u00e9tique \u00bb) et que la d\u00e9fense europ\u00e9enne resterait largement intergouvernementale. Une relance du trait\u00e9 aujourd\u2019hui permettrait \u00e0 l\u2019Europe de faire enfin avancer le processus d\u2019int\u00e9gration de la d\u00e9fense europ\u00e9enne, favorisant un partage plus \u00e9quitable des charges et une compl\u00e9mentarit\u00e9 avec l\u2019OTAN.\u00a0\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Federica Fazio (Doctorante \u00e0 Dublin City University) Si l’Italie et […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":4107,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[121,122],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-4121","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-blog-fr","category-research-fr"],"yoast_head":"\nQuelle est la relation entre la CED et l\u2019OTAN ? - Alcide Project<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/alcideproject.eu\/fr\/what-is-the-relationship-between-the-edc-and-nato\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"fr_FR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Quelle est la relation entre la CED et l\u2019OTAN ? - Alcide Project\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Federica Fazio (Doctorante \u00e0 Dublin City University) Si l’Italie et […]\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/alcideproject.eu\/fr\/what-is-the-relationship-between-the-edc-and-nato\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"Alcide Project\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:published_time\" content=\"2024-11-29T14:59:19+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:modified_time\" content=\"2025-03-24T16:39:30+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:image\" content=\"https:\/\/alcideproject.eu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/11\/ALCIDE-banner-7.png\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:width\" content=\"1280\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:height\" content=\"720\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:type\" content=\"image\/png\" \/>\n<meta name=\"author\" content=\"wp-alcideprojecteu\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:card\" content=\"summary_large_image\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:label1\" content=\"\u00c9crit par\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data1\" content=\"wp-alcideprojecteu\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:label2\" content=\"Dur\u00e9e de lecture estim\u00e9e\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data2\" content=\"5 minutes\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" class=\"yoast-schema-graph\">{\"@context\":\"https:\/\/schema.org\",\"@graph\":[{\"@type\":\"Article\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/alcideproject.eu\/fr\/what-is-the-relationship-between-the-edc-and-nato\/#article\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/alcideproject.eu\/fr\/what-is-the-relationship-between-the-edc-and-nato\/\"},\"author\":{\"name\":\"wp-alcideprojecteu\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/alcideproject.eu\/fr\/#\/schema\/person\/05651539c5b4fc77e1d94c7c778e227c\"},\"headline\":\"Quelle est la relation entre la CED et l\u2019OTAN ?\",\"datePublished\":\"2024-11-29T14:59:19+00:00\",\"dateModified\":\"2025-03-24T16:39:30+00:00\",\"mainEntityOfPage\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/alcideproject.eu\/fr\/what-is-the-relationship-between-the-edc-and-nato\/\"},\"wordCount\":1336,\"commentCount\":0,\"publisher\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/alcideproject.eu\/fr\/#organization\"},\"image\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/alcideproject.eu\/fr\/what-is-the-relationship-between-the-edc-and-nato\/#primaryimage\"},\"thumbnailUrl\":\"https:\/\/alcideproject.eu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/11\/ALCIDE-banner-7.png\",\"articleSection\":[\"Blog-fr\",\"Research-fr\"],\"inLanguage\":\"fr-FR\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"CommentAction\",\"name\":\"Comment\",\"target\":[\"https:\/\/alcideproject.eu\/fr\/what-is-the-relationship-between-the-edc-and-nato\/#respond\"]}]},{\"@type\":\"WebPage\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/alcideproject.eu\/fr\/what-is-the-relationship-between-the-edc-and-nato\/\",\"url\":\"https:\/\/alcideproject.eu\/fr\/what-is-the-relationship-between-the-edc-and-nato\/\",\"name\":\"Quelle est la relation entre la CED et l\u2019OTAN ? 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