{"id":4724,"date":"2024-12-16T14:02:37","date_gmt":"2024-12-16T14:02:37","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/alcideproject.eu\/?p=4724"},"modified":"2025-03-24T16:51:17","modified_gmt":"2025-03-24T16:51:17","slug":"la-ced-et-lintegration-differenciee-avant-garde-constructive-ou-club-dexclusion","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/alcideproject.eu\/fr\/la-ced-et-lintegration-differenciee-avant-garde-constructive-ou-club-dexclusion\/","title":{"rendered":"La CED et l\u2019int\u00e9gration diff\u00e9renci\u00e9e : Avant-garde constructive ou club d\u2019exclusion ?\u00a0"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><strong>Dr. Eileen Keller<\/strong>, chercheuse principale \u00e0 l\u2019Institut franco-allemand (dfi)<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Par rapport au projet d\u2019une Communaut\u00e9 europ\u00e9enne de d\u00e9fense (CED), l&rsquo;int\u00e9gration de la d\u00e9fense europ\u00e9enne est rest\u00e9e largement<\/span> <span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">en de\u00e7\u00e0 des ambitions exprim\u00e9es dans le trait\u00e9 de la CED au d\u00e9but des ann\u00e9es 1950. <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/alcideproject.eu\/fr\/why-is-a-european-defence-union-legally-unfeasible-today\/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">La r\u00e9alisation de progr\u00e8s concret s&rsquo;est av\u00e9r\u00e9e particuli\u00e8rement difficile et il n\u2019est pas ais\u00e9 de faire des avanc\u00e9es significatives dans le cadre actuel de l\u2019UE<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. Cependant, compl\u00e9ter les dispositions institutionnelles existantes en s\u2019inspirant d\u2019un format plus restrictif et d\u2019un cadre juridique alternatif tels que propos\u00e9s par le trait\u00e9 de la CED est une option pour aller de l\u2019avant. Cette option peut \u00eatre justifi\u00e9e par des raisons \u00e0 la fois pratiques et normatives.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">D\u2019un point de vue pratique, l\u2019int\u00e9gration europ\u00e9enne n\u2019a en aucun cas \u00e9t\u00e9 un processus homog\u00e8ne. En r\u00e9alit\u00e9, il s\u2019agit d\u2019une entit\u00e9 \u00e0 plusieurs niveaux compos\u00e9e de cercles qui se chevauchent et qui sont constitu\u00e9s de comp\u00e9tences partag\u00e9es diverses. Cela est vrai \u00e0 la fois dans sa dimension interne entre les \u00c9tats membres, par exemple par le biais de d\u00e9rogations comme pour la participation \u00e0 la zone euro, et \u00e0 l\u2019ext\u00e9rieur, en incluant les non membres de l\u2019UE dans les dispositions de l\u2019UE comme c\u2019est le cas pour la participation des pays tiers \u00e0 l\u2019espace Schengen, \u00e0 la coop\u00e9ration en mati\u00e8re de recherche, \u00e0 l\u2019union douani\u00e8re ou au march\u00e9 int\u00e9rieur. Les trait\u00e9s eux-m\u00eames pr\u00e9voient la possibilit\u00e9 d\u2019une diff\u00e9renciation interne sous la forme d\u2019une coop\u00e9ration renforc\u00e9e (Art. 20 du TUE) ou d\u2019une coop\u00e9ration structur\u00e9e permanente (CSP) dans le domaine de la d\u00e9fense (Art. 42 du TUE), \u00e9tablie en 2017, \u00e0 condition que l\u2019objectif soit d\u2019approfondir l\u2019int\u00e9gration.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">D\u2019un point de vue normatif, l\u2019int\u00e9gration europ\u00e9enne est devenue moins \u00e9vidente au cours des deux derni\u00e8res d\u00e9cennies et le projet europ\u00e9en d\u2019une Union toujours plus \u00e9troite s\u2019est heurt\u00e9 \u00e0 la r\u00e9sistance croissante des partis populistes, principalement (mais pas uniquement), qui mettent fortement l\u2019accent sur le nationalisme. Cette \u00e9volution a \u00e9t\u00e9 li\u00e9e de mani\u00e8re causale \u00e0 la nature changeante de l\u2019int\u00e9gration europ\u00e9enne, s&rsquo;\u00e9tendant encore davantage dans les domaines de la souverainet\u00e9 de l\u2019\u00c9tat et <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/academic.oup.com\/book\/11782\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">des pouvoirs \u00e9tatiques centraux<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, comme ce fut le cas pour l\u2019int\u00e9gration mon\u00e9taire. Il est clair que cela concerne \u00e9galement le domaine de la d\u00e9fense et il est tr\u00e8s peu probable que la volont\u00e9 politique d\u2019approfondir l\u2019int\u00e9gration de la d\u00e9fense europ\u00e9enne soit donn\u00e9e de mani\u00e8re univoque dans tous les \u00c9tats membres et en m\u00eame temps, d\u2019autant plus parce que quatre d\u2019entre eux sont des pays neutres et non align\u00e9s.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">En cons\u00e9quence de cette politisation accrue, une r\u00e9forme fondamentale n\u00e9cessitant une modification des trait\u00e9s est devenue une entreprise pour le moins lourde et incertaine. L\u2019unanimit\u00e9 des \u00c9tats membres au sein du Conseil et les proc\u00e9dures de ratification souvent exigeantes au sein de chaque \u00c9tat membre conf\u00e8rent un pouvoir disproportionn\u00e9 \u00e0 tout membre qui ne s\u2019int\u00e9resse pas \u00e0 la poursuite de l\u2019int\u00e9gration, bloquant ainsi les progr\u00e8s pour toutes les autres parties.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Dans ce contexte, l\u2019int\u00e9gration diff\u00e9renci\u00e9e s\u2019est av\u00e9r\u00e9e \u00eatre une voie constructive pour \u00e9viter l\u2019impasse et le pouvoir de blocage disproportionn\u00e9. La diff\u00e9renciation interne a \u00e9galement \u00e9t\u00e9 r\u00e9alis\u00e9e par le biais de trait\u00e9s compl\u00e9mentaires, qui s\u2019articulent \u00e9troitement avec le droit de l\u2019Union europ\u00e9enne. C\u2019est par exemple le cas du m\u00e9canisme europ\u00e9en de stabilit\u00e9 (MES), un dispositif de sauvegarde extr\u00eamement importante pour la zone euro, dont la cr\u00e9ation aurait \u00e9t\u00e9 plus difficile si elle s&rsquo;\u00e9tait appuy\u00e9e exclusivement sur le droit europ\u00e9en existant (ce qui aurait n\u00e9cessit\u00e9 la modification compl\u00e8te des trait\u00e9s).<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">La restriction constructive des formats est \u00e9galement une r\u00e9alit\u00e9 europ\u00e9enne au stade de la d\u00e9finition des priorit\u00e9s et de la formulation des propositions politiques. Cela est particuli\u00e8rement vrai pour les m\u00e9rites du moteur franco-allemand dont les compromis bilat\u00e9raux par procuration ont jou\u00e9 un r\u00f4le d\u00e9terminant \u00e0 des moments cruciaux du d\u00e9veloppement du projet europ\u00e9en. Par exemple, le plan de relance europ\u00e9en <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">NextGenerationEU<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> a \u00e9t\u00e9 facilit\u00e9 par l\u2019accord de la France et de l\u2019Allemagne et par les m\u00e9canismes sp\u00e9cifiques de coop\u00e9ration et de coordination qui existent entre les deux pays. On peut s\u2019attendre \u00e0 un effet similaire en ce qui concerne la facilit\u00e9 des n\u00e9gociations sur une future union de d\u00e9fense dans un format r\u00e9duit de moins de pays.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Les formats restrictifs peuvent pr\u00e9senter des avantages, m\u00eame pour ceux qui ne sont pas directement impliqu\u00e9s, \u00e0 condition qu\u2019il y ait une ouverture en termes d\u2019adh\u00e9sion ou d\u2019inclusion si les int\u00e9r\u00eats vitaux ne sont pas suffisamment pris en compte. La diff\u00e9renciation n\u2019entra\u00eene pas automatiquement une fragmentation sous la forme d\u2019une \u00ab Europe \u00e0 la carte \u00bb, m\u00eame si le risque existe.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">En r\u00e9sum\u00e9, l\u2019id\u00e9e d\u2019une avant-garde de d\u00e9fense bas\u00e9e sur la CED est un point de d\u00e9part prometteur pour au moins deux raisons. D\u2019une part, cela s\u2019appuie sur un trait\u00e9 existant impliquant les six pays qui ont \u00e9t\u00e9 \u00e0 l\u2019origine du projet europ\u00e9en et qui repr\u00e9sente environ deux tiers des d\u00e9penses totales de d\u00e9fense de l&rsquo;UE. D\u2019autre part, <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/alcideproject.eu\/fr\/can-the-european-defence-community-edc-be-expanded-to-other-member-states\/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">le trait\u00e9 de la CED autorise explicitement l\u2019int\u00e9gration de nouveaux membres<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. \u00c9tant donn\u00e9 la sensibilit\u00e9 particuli\u00e8re \u00e0 la menace d\u2019un agresseur russe en Europe du Nord et de l\u2019Est, et donc l\u2019int\u00e9r\u00eat prononc\u00e9 pour le renforcement des capacit\u00e9s de d\u00e9fense europ\u00e9ennes, une union de d\u00e9fense plus restrictive pourrait \u00e9galement offrir un format constructif pour le dialogue le long de la division Est-Ouest, compl\u00e9tant la division Nord-Sud que la France et l\u2019Allemagne ont utilis\u00e9e pour concilier les int\u00e9r\u00eats.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Une mise en garde s\u2019impose toutefois\u00a0: Une Union europ\u00e9enne de la d\u00e9fense plus \u00e9troitement int\u00e9gr\u00e9e est susceptible de cr\u00e9er des externalit\u00e9s positives en termes de s\u00e9curit\u00e9 collective et un potentiel de menace face \u00e0 un agresseur externe. En d\u2019autres termes, les avantages d\u2019une union de d\u00e9fense plus \u00e9troite ne se limiteront pas \u00e0 ceux qui y participent. Il faudra donc \u00eatre prudent en mati\u00e8re de conception institutionnelle afin de ne pas d\u00e9courager d\u2019autres \u00c9tats membres d\u2019adh\u00e9rer \u00e0 l\u2019union de d\u00e9fense.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Le fait que les \u00c9tats-Unis (et l\u2019OTAN) aient jou\u00e9 un r\u00f4le important dans l\u2019architecture de s\u00e9curit\u00e9 europ\u00e9enne de l\u2019apr\u00e8s-guerre peut avoir contribu\u00e9 au fait que <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1080\/13501763.2015.1020835%20%5bTitel%20anhand%20dieser%20DOI%20in%20Citavi-Projekt%20%C3%BCbernehmen%5d\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">l\u2019int\u00e9gration de la d\u00e9fense de l\u2019UE<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> soit rest\u00e9e plus limit\u00e9e que dans d\u2019autres domaines du pouvoir \u00e9tatique central. Compte tenu de l\u2019\u00e9volution du r\u00f4le des \u00c9tats-Unis sur la sc\u00e8ne internationale, il y a de bonnes raisons de r\u00e9fl\u00e9chir aujourd\u2019hui \u00e0 de <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/alcideproject.eu\/fr\/is-there-now-a-political-window-to-integrate-defence-in-europe\/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">nouvelles formes d\u2019int\u00e9gration de la d\u00e9fense europ\u00e9enne<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">.<\/span><\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Dr. Eileen Keller, chercheuse principale \u00e0 l\u2019Institut franco-allemand (dfi) Par [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":4552,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[121,122],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-4724","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-blog-fr","category-research-fr"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v24.0 - 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